Even as Bush's boy Henry Paulson (you might remember him from such bailouts as Bear Sterns and AIG) considers radical measures:
Some say the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008's vague language gives Paulson almost unlimited power to intervene.
Boy that's reassuring ain't it. The guy who used to be the CEO of Goldman Sachs is now about to step in and use our money to nationalize them.
Paulson is, of course, the architect of both Goldman's failed strategy and the utter disaster that has been the last two years of Bush administration financial policies (since his appointment as Treasury Secretary in 2006.)
But don't forget, its not really the U.S. taxpayers who are financing this bailout. From a a NewsDay Op-Ed by James Ludes and Bernard Finel:
The United States was already dangerously indebted before the housing crisis forced the government to slip even further into the red. Since January 2001, the U.S. national debt has increased from $5.71 trillion to more than $9.64 trillion in August. Our foreign debt has increased even faster, from $1.01 trillion in January 2001 to $2.67 trillion today.
The debt we owe to countries that do not share our interests or whose interests may run at odds with our own has grown even faster than that.
In 2001, we owed oil-exporting nations $48.5 billion - we now owe them $173.9 billion. In 2001, China held $61.5 billion in U.S. debt; it now holds $518.7. In 2001, Russia held less than $10 billion; it now holds $74.1 billion.
And owing money to "our friends" has serious implications:
They go on to outline the Suez Crisis of 1956 when President Dwight Eisenhower used America's financial power over Britain and France to force them to pull their troops out of the Suez Canal. Now we're the ones with global strategic delusions of grandeur that we're letting other countries pay for. As Ludes and Finel conclude:
Debt-financed tax cuts and overly zealous deregulation have proven to be a failed social experiment with potentially dire national security consequences. We have long recognized that cuts to defense spending can sometimes hurt national security; so too must we acknowledge, once and for all, that tax cuts and runaway spending can do the same.
The United States is a rich and powerful country. It is criminal that we have weakened our own fiscal health so gravely that we are left to consider the national security consequences of restoring liquidity to credit markets. But we must.
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